Zionist and Palestinian Arab Attitudes Before 1948 - Introduction

Introduction

Yosef Gorny investigated the ideological characteristics of Zionism in the Jewish-Arab confrontation in his book Zionism and the Arabs, 1882–1948. He says two ideological questions were important. The first was whether the Palestinian Arabs were part of a greater Arab nation or constituted a separate Palestinian national entity. The second was to what extent Zionism could base its demands on historical rights. Zionism's aim "to construct in Palestine a distinct Jewish national society" meant that it also honoured certain principles that affected its attitude towards the Arabs. Gorny distinguishes the "desire for territorial concentration of the Jewish people in Palestine", the "desire to create a Jewish majority in Palestine", the "belief that exclusive employment of Jewish labour was the precondition for an independent Jewish society", and the "renaissance of Hebrew culture a pre-condition for the rebirth of the nation".

Gorny also distinguishes several important developments that had their bearing on the confrontation and the Zionists' attitude. Up to 1917 Zionism was tolerated as a national movement in the Ottoman Empire. After 1917 Palestine became a Mandate administrated by the British, and the right of the Jewish people to a national homeland in Palestine was recognised by the British and the League of Nations. In 1948 the state of Israel was established. Simultaneously the Palestine problem became an ever more important subject for Jews, Arabs and the international community. During this period the demographic balance changed from 1 Jew in every 23 inhabitants in 1880 to 1 Jew in every 3 inhabitants in 1947 (see table). Finally Gorny says the uneven pace of Westernization gave the Jewish society a technological and organizational advantage. Jewish society was mainly urban, Arab society mainly rural.

In his book Zionism and the Palestinians Flapan distinguishes six basic concepts of Zionism's policy toward the Arabs: '(1) gradual build-up of an economic and military potential as the basis for achievement of political aims, (2) alliance with a great power external to the Middle East; (3) non-recognition of the existence of a Palestine national entity; (4) Zionism's civilising mission in an undeveloped area; (5) economic, social and cultural segregation as prerequisites for the renaissance of Jewish national life; (6) the concept of 'peace form strength'.'

Finkelstein says the 'strategic consensus on the Arab Question was remarkable'. This consensus was informed by three premises: (1) 'the Zionist movement should neither expect, nor seek the acquiescence of the Palestinain Arabs'; (2) 'the success of the Zionist enterprise was dependent on the support of one (or more) Great Power(s)'; (3) the Palestine conflict should be resolved within the framework of a regional alliance subordinate to the interests of the Great Power(s)'.

In line with earlier promises by Ben-Gurion Israel's Declaration of Independence states that ' will ensure complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex.'